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Religion & philosophy

Buddhism, Jainism, Shaiva and Vaishnava movements, Islam and the Sufi orders, Christianity and village deities.

Old photograph of a carved stone gateway post with panels of small figures, standing among broken masonry.
Old photograph of a carved stone gateway post with panels of small figures, standing among broken masonry. · G. Yazdani (Director), Archaeological Department of H.E.H. the Nizam's Dominions; photographer not named (opens in a new tab) · Public domain

This page follows the religions of the Telugu country era by era. It begins with the Buddhist stupas (relic mounds) of the Krishna valley, the Vedic and Shaiva kings of Vengi, and Jain patrons.12345 It goes on to the Shaiva and Vaishnava movements of the Kakatiya age and devotional poetry in Telugu.67 It ends with Islam under the Qutb Shahis and the Nizams, the goddesses of the villages, and the Christian missions of the nineteenth century.8910

About the sources. The sources are uneven. Kings and temples are well recorded, while the beliefs of ordinary people appear mostly through the eyes of later officials and missionaries.

Buddhism in the Krishna valley

The earliest writing found in the Telugu country is Buddhist. At Bhattiprolu, three stone relic caskets carry short Prakrit inscriptions in a Brahmi script.1 G. Bühler compared this script letter by letter with that of Asoka’s edicts.1 One inscription records a casket and a crystal box given by a man named Kura and his parents, “in order to deposit some relics of Budha”.11 See Bhattiprolu stupa and the caskets.

At Amaravati, the donors named on the carved slabs include monks and nuns as well as householders.2 On one coping slab, James Burgess read a gift by a group of women. It included the nun Buddharakshita and her daughters.2 It was recorded together with a senior monk from Rajagiri who supervised the building work.2

On the same slab, five monks worship an empty seat and a pair of footprints.2 Burgess concluded that the earliest sculptures did not show the Buddha himself in human form. They showed him only through such symbols.2

The fullest picture comes from Nagarjunakonda, the Ikshvaku capital of the 3rd and early 4th centuries CE. Its inscriptions show that queens and princesses of the royal house paid for the great stupa and its shrines.12 Above all it was Chamtisiri, sister of King Chamtamula.12

The same inscriptions praise her brother for performing Vedic sacrifices.13 Among them were the Agnihotra, the Vajapeya and the horse sacrifice (ashvamedha).13 In one family, then, the men made their Vedic rites known, while the women supported Buddhist monasteries.1213

The excavations of 1954–60 were made before the valley was to be flooded by the Nagarjunasagar dam.1415 They showed what the men of the family worshipped.1415 Brahmanical shrines and ritual buildings stood along the river front and inside the fortified part of the capital.16 Buddhist monasteries filled the rest of the valley.16

In the 16th year of King Ehuvula Chamtamula, the prince Virapurushadatta built a shrine of Shiva as Mahadeva Pushpabhadrasvamin.1718 He set up a flagstaff (dhvaja-stambha) and gave the temple a village.1718 D. C. Sircar and K. G. Krishnan took this as the first direct proof of the dynasty’s Shaiva leanings.1718 In the same king’s 11th year, the noble Elisri, a devotee of Karttikeya, built a temple described as an abode of Shiva.19

Temples of Karttikeya stood by the river.16 One was a long pillared building that A. H. Longhurst had taken for a wharf.16 The inscriptions on its pillars identified it as a temple.16

A survey of 1959–60 found that these brick temples were laid out as complexes.20 They had halls in line before the shrine, an enclosure wall, a gateway, a flagstaff, and smaller shrines on square, eight-sided and round plans.20 Most main shrines were apsidal (with one rounded end). In form they were no different from the Buddhist chaitya halls (shrine halls) beside the stupas.20 The surveyors concluded that temple forms were common to all the creeds.20

Vishnu appears too.212223 An inscription of the Abhira king Vasushena records the setting up of an image of Ashtabhujasvamin, a form of Vishnu.2122 Sircar suggested that the Abhiras held the Ikshvaku kingdom for a short time about 278.212223 See the Pushpabhadrasvamin inscription and the Vijayapuri citadel.

The monasteries belonged to several schools. Gifts were made to the Aparamahavinaseliya fraternity and to masters of the Bahusutiya sect.2425 One shrine was dedicated to the fraternities of monks from Sri Lanka.26 These monks are said to have converted Kashmir, Gandhara, China and other lands.26 A “Ceylonese convent” had a shrine for a Bodhi tree.2624

J. Ph. Vogel edited these records. He explained the link with Sri Lanka by the sea trade between Sri Lanka and the Krishna delta.24 He thought that trade also paid for the region’s stupas, because Buddhism drew its supporters largely from the merchant classes.24 The Ikshvakus page has more on the dynasty.

Buddhism also reached the north coast. At Salihundam, near the old port of Kalingapatnam, excavations found pottery from about the 2nd century BCE to the 7th or 8th century CE.27 The Andhra Pradesh archaeology department described the site as a meeting place of northern and southern Buddhist building traditions.27

The decline was slow. Vogel suggested several causes: the end of the Roman trade, the southern campaign of Samudragupta, and the rise of dynasties devoted to Brahmanical religion, such as the Pallavas and Chalukyas.24 The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang passed through Vengi in the 7th century. According to the Godavari gazetteer, he found its once numerous Buddhist convents “in ruins and deserted”.28

Parabrahma Sastry dates the end of Buddhism in Andhra to the 10th and 11th centuries.29 A few later records still mention it.29 Lamps were given to the Buddha at Amaravati in the 12th century. A Kakatiya minister set up an image of the Buddha as an incarnation of Vishnu.29

Vedic kings and Shaiva grants (about 300–1100)

From the 4th century, the copper-plate grants of the Telugu country are Brahmanical. The Vishnukundin kings of the Chikkulla plates call themselves devout worshippers of Maheshvara, that is, Shiva.3 The Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi used the same title.4 For example, a grant of Rajaraja I calls him paramamaheshvara, a supreme devotee of Shiva.4 The Godavari gazetteer, by contrast, called the dynasty Vaishnava.28

A genealogy of 1202 credits the 9th-century king Narendra with fighting 108 battles.30 It says he founded 108 temples on the battlefields, with tanks and gardens.30 An inscription of 958 records that one of his line had built the Umamaheshvara temple at Vijayawada (then Bezwada).31 See the Vengi era.

Jain patrons and Jain images

Jainism was strong in the Deccan in the centuries before the Kakatiyas, and the early Kakatiya chiefs were linked with it.5 Parabrahma Sastry cites gifts by Beta I and Beta II to Jain temples.5 An inscription of 1117 at the Padmakshi hill in Hanamkonda records that a minister’s wife built a Jain temple (basadi).5

Parabrahma Sastry argues that the goddess Padmakshi, now worshipped as a Shaiva deity, was at first Jain.5 Jainism still had patrons late in the dynasty. A Jain poet, Appayarya, dated a work to the reign of Prataparudra.5

The same taking-over can be seen on the coast. In the courtyard of the Bhimeshvara temple at Gudivada, Alexander Rea found a seated Jain figure under a seven-headed serpent.32 The temple Brahmins claimed it and worshipped it as Munishvarasvami.32

The Godavari gazetteer noted cross-legged ascetic figures in several villages.33 At Pithapuram, Hindus worshipped such images as sanyasi devulu, “ascetic gods”, with a festival in times of drought.33 By 1931 Hyderabad State counted 21,543 Jains.34 Most of them were Marwari merchants living in the Marathi-speaking districts.34

Shaiva and Vaishnava movements under the Kakatiyas

Under the Kakatiyas, Shaivism took several organised forms. Beta II and Prola II were disciples of Rameshvara Pandita, head of a Kalamukha monastery at Srisailam.635 Under Ganapatideva and Rudramadevi, the royal teachers came from the Pashupata Golaki monastery.635 Its head, Vishveshvara Shambhu, founded monasteries, feeding houses and a college (vidya-mandapa) with royal grants.635

The kings and their officers built temples named after themselves.3637 The Kakatiya age gave the country the name Trilinga.3637 The name came from the three great Shiva shrines of Srisailam, Kaleshvaram and Draksharama.3637

Two more Shaiva movements grew in this period. The Aradhyas followed Mallikarjuna Panditaradhya.38 Palkuriki Somanatha wrote his life in Telugu. Somanatha also championed the Virashaiva teaching of Basava.38

The sources disagree about how far Virashaivism spread.3940 Chenchiah and Bhujanga Rao, writing in 1928, called it an aggressive faith with a large Telugu following.3940 They said that Somanatha’s campaign had the support of the court.3940 P. Sreenivasachar edited Kakatiya inscriptions in 1942. He found not one record in his collection that refers to Virashaivism.41 Parabrahma Sastry later judged its effect on the Telugu masses to be practically negligible.38

The two scholars also differ over the Aradhyas.3842 Parabrahma Sastry describes them as wearing the linga (stone emblem of Shiva) on the body.38 Sreenivasachar notes that some old Aradhya families never did.42

Vaishnavism was less prominent at court, but it was not absent.43 The boar on the Kakatiya seal was Vishnu’s emblem.43 Vishnu was one of the three deities in the temples with three shrines, as at the Thousand Pillar Temple.43 Parabrahma Sastry lists Simhachalam, Ahobilam, Srikakulam on the Krishna, Tirupati and other temples as Vaishnava centres of the time.43

The faiths lived side by side. A lesser chief, Mallireddi, spoke of four faiths in his Bekkallu inscription: Shaiva, Vaishnava, his own family’s Jainism, and Buddhism.44 He said they were only causes of doubt, for God in all of them was one.44 He then built Shiva temples in memory of his relatives.44

Inscriptions say little about the religion of the poor.45 Sreenivasachar points instead to literature.45 It describes festivals (jatras) for local deities such as Kakatamma, Ekavira and Mailaradeva, and a temple to the heroes of Palnadu.45 See the Kakatiya era and the Ramappa temple.

Bhakti in Telugu: from Potana to Bhadrachalam

After the fall of Warangal, devotion found its voice in Telugu verse. Bammera Potana (about 1400–1475) translated the Bhagavata Purana. By family he was a Shaiva.7 Chenchiah and Bhujanga Rao describe him as a poet who refused to dedicate his work to kings.7

Under Krishnadevaraya of Vijayanagara, they write, the Vaishnavism of Ramanuja became practically the religion of the state.46 Vaishnava literature flourished.46 See Vijayanagara and the Qutb Shahis.

The shataka became one of the most widespread forms. It is a set of a hundred verses, each ending with the name of a god or a person.47 Chenchiah and Bhujanga Rao reckoned that about six hundred survive, three-quarters of them religious or moral.47 Its best-known master was Vemana. In their view he was an Advaita mystic who had given up the world.47

Among devotional shatakas, they name the Dasarathi Shataka of Kancherla Gopanna, “the celebrated Rama Bhakta of Bhadrachellam”.47 They also note that much popular religious literature was written to be sung. They single out the kirtans of Tyagaraja.48

Pilgrimage tied these traditions to places. Henry Morris wrote in 1878 about the Godavari district.49 Thousands of Shaivas gathered at Pattisam and Kotipalli for Shivaratri.49 Crowds attended the Kalyanam festival at Antarvedi.49 At Bhadrachalam, the temple of Rama on a hill above the river drew pilgrims from all over the country to its yearly festival.49

Islam: Golconda, Hyderabad and the shrines of the Deccan

Islam came to the Telugu country with the armies of the Delhi sultans and the Bahmanis. The Qutb Shahis were Shia.8 Ferishta records that Sultan Quli had the public prayers read in the name of the twelve Imams, while he was still a Bahmani governor.8

W. H. Moreland read Dutch and English reports of the 1610s and 1620s.50 He found the kingdom’s people almost all Hindu and Telugu-speaking.50 He found no record of conversion to Islam on a large scale. He thought most Muslims living there were of foreign origin.50

Hyderabad was built around Shia ritual. The royal Badshahi Ashur Khana was built between 1593 and 1596.51 Its enamelled tiles carry Shia prayers and the inscription “the slave of Ali, Muhammad Qutb Shah”.51

The Maula Ali hill lies outside the city.52 Bilgrami quotes a Qutb Shahi chronicle about it.52 In the reign of Ibrahim Qutb Shah, a eunuch named Yaqut dreamed that he saw Ali seated on the summit.52 The king visited the hill and built a mosque there. The anniversary (urs) was still kept every 17 Rajab in the 1920s.52

Later patrons of the shrine included Mah Laqa Bai, who rebuilt one of its halls in masonry.53 Nizam Asaf Jah II granted a village for its servants.53 Work on the Mecca Masjid began in 1617. It was supervised jointly by Mir Faizullah Beg and Chaudhri Rangaiyah.54 See also the Charminar and the Qutb Shahi tombs.

Muslims were a small minority in the Madras districts. In 1901 the Godavari district had 24,646 Musalmans among about 1.45 million people.55 The gazetteer described their relations with Hindus as friendly on the whole, apart from occasional disputes at festivals.55 It also mentioned the Dudekulas, Telugu-speaking Muslims who wore Hindu dress and used Hindu names.55

The Anantapur gazetteer of 1905 recalled that relations had once been bitter.56 Temples such as those at Penukonda had been turned into mosques.56 In its own day, it said, the two communities lived on friendly terms and shared wells and festivals.56 Hindus paid respect to Muslim fakirs (holy men), and Muslims broke coconuts before a goddess’s shrine.56

In parts of Anantapur, Hindus kept what Francis called the “Hindu Mohurrum”, with their own Mohurrum halls.56 The ceremonies still needed at least one Muslim.56 Villages without one fetched one from elsewhere to set up the standards, which Hindus called the Pirlu.56 The most sacred Muslim place in the district was Babayya’s darga (shrine) at Penukonda.56 At Kurnool, Muslims and Hindus alike revered the shrine of Mastan Shah. They settled disputes by taking oaths there.57

In Hyderabad State, Muslims formed about a tenth of the population.5859 They were 10.4 per cent in 1901, and nearly 11 per cent in 1931.5859 Of the state’s Muslims in 1931, 44 per cent lived in Telangana.59 Over a quarter of these lived in Hyderabad city.59

Village goddesses and local gods

Beside the great temples, every village had its own deities. The Godavari gazetteer listed goddesses such as Nukalamma, Poleramma, Muthyalamma, Mallamma and Somalamma.9 Wherever one was worshipped, her brother Poturaju was worshipped too.9 At the yearly festival, a buffalo was killed at midnight.9 The harvest was foretold from grain soaked in its blood.9

The same gazetteer described gods of particular castes: Kanyakamma of the Komatis, Gontiyalamma of the Malas and Matangiralu of the Madigas.9 Henry Whitehead, bishop of Madras, collected names from many districts:60

  • at Machilipatnam (then Masulipatam), Mutyalamma and Gangamma
  • near Eluru (then Ellore), Gangamma, Poleramma and Ankamma
  • in Kadapa (then Cuddapah) and Kurnool, simply Peddamma, “the great mother”60

Villagers often told him that the goddesses were “only different names for the same goddess”.61 He noticed that the priests were not Brahmins but potters, washermen and others.62 Malas and Madigas had important roles, especially in the buffalo sacrifice.62 Certain Mala families, the Asadis, had the hereditary right to sing the goddess’s praises.62 Whitehead wrote as a missionary bishop, and his descriptions are those of an outside observer.

Similar customs appear in Hyderabad State. Siraj ul Hassan’s survey of the Nizam’s dominions (1920) describes one community, the Are Katikas.63 In the month of Ashadha they calmed Pochamma and other goddesses with sheep and fowls.63 A potter served as priest, while a Muslim butcher killed the animals.63

Census officials classed the religions of hill and forest peoples as “Animism”.64 In 1931 Hyderabad counted over half a million such people, mostly Lambadis, Gonds, Erukalas and Koyas.64 The census admitted that the line between them and Hindus was hard to draw.64 It described the Chenchus of the Amrabad hills taking up Hindu customs. Pilgrims to Srisailam passed through their country.64

Christian missions

There were Christian Telugu poets long before the missions. Pingali Ellanarya wrote a poem in 1602, based on an account of the life of St Thomas.65 Mangalagiri Anandakavi wrote a life of Christ about 1750.65 Chenchiah and Bhujanga Rao doubted that either was formally a church member.65

Organised Protestant missions came in the 19th century:1066

  • The American Baptist Samuel Day moved to Nellore in 1840.10
  • The North German Mission Society sent L. M. Valette to Rajahmundry in 1844. The work passed to American Lutherans, with headquarters at Guntur.66
  • The Canadian Baptists began at Kakinada (then Cocanada) in 1869.66
  • The Church Missionary Society worked among Koyas and Malas from Dummagudem.66

In Kurnool, the London Mission traced its first converts to a Mala prisoner who heard preaching in the Kadapa jail.57

The largest movements were among Madigas and Malas. At Ongole, the first Madiga convert, Periah, was baptised in 1866.67 During the famine of 1876–78, the mission ran relief work and refused baptism to applicants.68 After the famine, the Ongole mission baptised 9,606 people between June and December 1878.68 On one day, 2,222 of them were baptised in the Gundlakamma river.68

The mission’s own historian admits that critics doubted the wisdom of baptising so many so soon after famine relief.6869 Not all the missionaries were equally sure about the movement either.6869

In Hyderabad State, the Wesleyans worked from 1880 in districts north of the city, with a hospital at Medak.70 The American Baptist Telugu Mission began at Secunderabad in 1875. It opened a hospital at Hanamkonda in 1902.70

By 1931 the state had 151,382 Christians.71 Of these, 83 per cent lived in Telangana, most of all in Warangal.71 The census credited the growth mainly to the Anglican Dornakal mission and the Wesleyans at Medak.71 In the 1920s their converts came mostly from Malas and Madigas.71 Smaller numbers came from Kapus, weavers, fishermen, shepherds and others.71

The census writer suggested that many people of the depressed classes turned to Islam or Christianity, because they were denied equal standing within Hinduism.72 He also noted a new movement among them to claim full rights as Hindus.72

Reform and the census, 1878–1931

New movements arose within Hinduism in the nineteenth century. In 1878 Kandukuri Veeresalingam and a few friends formed a Prarthana Samaj at Rajahmundry.73 They met weekly for prayer without images.73 Years later he declared himself an observant Brahmo and gave up the sacred thread.7374

In Hyderabad State, the 1931 census counted 3,769 Arya Samajists, up from 545 ten years earlier, and 182 Brahmos.75 Smaller communities included Parsis, whose fire temple stood at Secunderabad, and 52 Buddhists.76 The state then had 31,373 temples, 5,191 mosques and 110 churches.71 For the social reform movements, see Reform, freedom & people’s movements.

What the sources do not cover

About the sources. The library is strongest on Buddhist monuments, Kakatiya inscriptions, Qutb Shahi Hyderabad and the missions. It says little about Sufi orders as institutions. Their lines of teachers, and their lodges in the Telugu country, need sources not yet in the library. Shia and Sunni life in Hyderabad after the Qutb Shahis, the Muharram processions of the city, and the history of the Catholic church are barely touched. Religious life after 1950 is not covered here. This includes temple administration in Andhra Pradesh, the later history of the churches and the religious life of tribal peoples.

Footnotes

  1. G. Bühler, “The Bhattiprolu Inscriptions”, Epigraphia Indica II (1894), p. 323 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  2. James Burgess, The Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta (1887), p. 53 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6

  3. F. Kielhorn, “Chikkulla Plates of Vikramendravarman II”, Epigraphia Indica IV (1897), pp. 197–198 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  4. Kielhorn, “Nandamapundi Grant of Rajaraja I”, Epigraphia Indica IV (1897), p. 307 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  5. Parabrahma Sastry, The Kakatiyas of Warangal (1978), pp. 272–273. ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6

  6. Parabrahma Sastry, The Kakatiyas of Warangal (1978), pp. 274–279. ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4

  7. Chenchiah and Bhujanga Rao, Telugu Literature (1928), pp. 63–64 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  8. Ferishta, tr. John Briggs, History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India, Vol. III (1829), p. 323 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  9. Hemingway, Godavari (1907), pp. 47–48 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6

  10. David Downie, The Lone Star: The History of the Telugu Mission of the American Baptist Missionary Union (1893), pp. 30, 33 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  11. Bühler, Epigraphia Indica II (1894), p. 327 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

  12. J. Ph. Vogel, “Prakrit Inscriptions from a Buddhist Site at Nagarjunikonda”, Epigraphia Indica XX (1933), p. 4 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  13. Vogel, Epigraphia Indica XX (1933), p. 21 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  14. B. Ch. Chhabra, “Nagarjunakonda Inscription of Ehavalasri’s time, Year 11”, Epigraphia Indica XXXIII (1959–60, publ. 1963), p. 147 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  15. A. Ghosh (ed.), Indian Archaeology 1957–58: A Review (1958), p. 9 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  16. A. Ghosh (ed.), Indian Archaeology 1956–57: A Review (1957), p. 36 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5

  17. D. C. Sircar and K. G. Krishnan, “Two Inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda”, Epigraphia Indica XXXIV (1961–62, publ. 1963), p. 18 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  18. Sircar and Krishnan, “Two Inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda” (1963), p. 19 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  19. Chhabra, “Nagarjunakonda Inscription of Ehavalasri’s time” (1963), p. 148 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

  20. A. Ghosh (ed.), Indian Archaeology 1959–60: A Review (1960), p. 84 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4

  21. D. C. Sircar, “Nagarjunikonda Inscription of the time of Abhira Vasushena, Year 30”, Epigraphia Indica XXXIV (1963), p. 197 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  22. Sircar, “Inscription of Abhira Vasushena” (1963), p. 201 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  23. Sircar, “Inscription of Abhira Vasushena” (1963), p. 202 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  24. Vogel, Epigraphia Indica XX (1933), p. 10 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5

  25. Vogel, Epigraphia Indica XX (1933), p. 24 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

  26. Vogel, Epigraphia Indica XX (1933), p. 7 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  27. M. A. Waheed Khan, preface to R. Subrahmanyam, Salihundam: A Buddhist Site in Andhra Pradesh (1964), pp. iii–iv (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  28. F. R. Hemingway, Madras District Gazetteers: Godavari, Vol. I (1907), p. 20 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  29. P. V. Parabrahma Sastry, The Kakatiyas of Warangal (1978), p. 271. ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  30. E. Hultzsch, “Pithapuram Inscription of Mallapadeva”, Epigraphia Indica IV (1897), p. 226 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  31. Robert Sewell, The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India (1932), p. 49 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

  32. Alexander Rea, South Indian Buddhist Antiquities (1894), p. 20 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  33. Hemingway, Godavari (1907), p. 39 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  34. Gulam Ahmad Khan, Census of India 1931, Vol. XXIII: H.E.H. the Nizam’s Dominions, Part I, Report (1933), p. 238 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  35. P. Sreenivasachar (ed.), A Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telingana Districts, Part I (1942), pp. 19–20 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  36. Sreenivasachar, Corpus, Part I (1942), p. 18 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  37. Parabrahma Sastry, The Kakatiyas of Warangal (1978), p. 282. ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  38. Parabrahma Sastry, The Kakatiyas of Warangal (1978), p. 278. ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5

  39. P. Chenchiah and Raja M. Bhujanga Rao, A History of Telugu Literature (1928), p. 24 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  40. Chenchiah and Bhujanga Rao, Telugu Literature (1928), p. 51 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  41. Sreenivasachar, Corpus, Part I (1942), p. 22 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

  42. Sreenivasachar, Corpus, Part I (1942), p. 21 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  43. Parabrahma Sastry, The Kakatiyas of Warangal (1978), pp. 279–280. ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4

  44. Parabrahma Sastry, The Kakatiyas of Warangal (1978), pp. 273–274, 281. ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  45. Sreenivasachar, Corpus, Part I (1942), p. 24 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  46. Chenchiah and Bhujanga Rao, Telugu Literature (1928), p. 26 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  47. Chenchiah and Bhujanga Rao, Telugu Literature (1928), pp. 98–99 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4

  48. Chenchiah and Bhujanga Rao, Telugu Literature (1928), p. 100 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

  49. Henry Morris, A Descriptive and Historical Account of the Godavery District (1878), pp. 41–42 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4

  50. W. H. Moreland (ed.), Relations of Golconda in the Early Seventeenth Century (1931), p. xv (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  51. Syed Ali Asgar Bilgrami, Landmarks of the Deccan (1927), pp. 21–22 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  52. Bilgrami, Landmarks of the Deccan (1927), p. 15 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4

  53. Bilgrami, Landmarks of the Deccan (1927), p. 15 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  54. Bilgrami, Landmarks of the Deccan (1927), p. 39 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

  55. Hemingway, Godavari (1907), pp. 38–39 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  56. W. Francis, Madras District Gazetteers: Anantapur (1905), pp. 29–30 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8

  57. Narahari Gopalakristnamah Chetty, A Manual of the Kurnool District (1886), p. 147 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  58. Imperial Gazetteer of India: Hyderabad State (1909), p. 24 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  59. Census of India 1931, Vol. XXIII, Part I (1933), p. 240 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4

  60. Henry Whitehead, The Village Gods of South India (2nd ed., 1921), pp. 23–24 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  61. Whitehead, Village Gods (1921), p. 31 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

  62. Whitehead, Village Gods (1921), pp. 43–44, 48–49 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  63. Syed Siraj ul Hassan, The Castes and Tribes of H.E.H. the Nizam’s Dominions, Vol. I (1920), p. 14 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  64. Census of India 1931, Vol. XXIII, Part I (1933), pp. 233–234 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4

  65. Chenchiah and Bhujanga Rao, Telugu Literature (1928), pp. 105–106 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  66. Hemingway, Godavari (1907), pp. 39–42 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4

  67. Downie, The Lone Star (1893), p. 79 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

  68. Downie, The Lone Star (1893), pp. 111–112 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5

  69. Downie, The Lone Star (1893), p. 139 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  70. Imperial Gazetteer: Hyderabad (1909), p. 25 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  71. Census of India 1931, Vol. XXIII, Part I (1933), pp. 241–242 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6

  72. Census of India 1931, Vol. XXIII, Part I (1933), p. 235 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2

  73. D. Anjaneyulu, Kandukuri Veeresalingam (1976), pp. 37–38 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  74. Anjaneyulu, Veeresalingam (1976), pp. 58–60 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

  75. Census of India 1931, Vol. XXIII, Part I (1933), pp. 232, 236 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

  76. Census of India 1931, Vol. XXIII, Part I (1933), p. 240 (archive.org (opens in a new tab)). ↩

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References

Sources (28)
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  11. P. Chenchiah and Raja M. Bhujanga Rao, A History of Telugu Literature (The Heritage of India Series) (opens in a new tab), Association Press (Y.M.C.A.), Calcutta / Oxford University Press, London, 1928, pp. 24, 26, 51, 63–64, 98–100, 105–106. [Public domain]
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